Newsgroups: alt.revisionism
Subject: Yad Vashem Studies IV: The Nazi Concentration Camps (1/4)
Summary: Structure and Aims, The Image of the Prisoner, The
Jews in the Camps. Operation Reinhard
Followup-To: alt.revisionism
Organization: The Nizkor Project - http://www.nizkor.org
Keywords: Yad Vashem,treblinka,sobibor,belzec
X-Diesel: http://www.nizkor.org/features/denial-of-science/diesel-1.html
X-FAQ: http://www.nizkor.org/faqs/reinhard/
X-Reinhard: http://www.nizkor.org/cgi-bin/ftp.pl?camps/aktion.reinhard
Archive/File: orgs/israeli/yad-vashem/yvs.camps.01
Last-modified: 1996/06/23
THE NAZI CONCENTRATION
CAMPS
Structure and Aims * The Image of the Prisoner
The Jews in the Camps
PROCEEDINGS OF THE FOURTH YAD VASHEM
INTERNATIONAL HISTORICAL CONFERENCE
Jerusalem, January 1980
YAD VASHEM
JERUSALEM 1984
SEVENTH SESSION
Chairman: Bela Vago
JEWISH PRISONER UPRISINGS IN THE TREBLINKA AND SOBIBOR
EXTERMINATION CAMPS
YITZHAK ARAD
A. "Operation Reinhard" Camps
The Erection of the Camps
At the same time that preparations were being made for the destruction
of the Jews in the General-Government in Poland, in what was called
Operation Reinhard (Einsatz Reinhard), three death camps were being
erected in the Lublin region--at Belzec, Sobibor and Treblinka. The
first camp, at Belzec, was set up alongside the Tomaszow-Lwow
railroad and went into operation in March 1942; the second, Sobibor,
was erected near the Brest-Litovsk-Wlodawa-Chelm railway line and
became operational in April 1942; the third, Treblinka, was set up
near the Warsaw-Bialystok railway and started operating on July 23,
1942. These three camps were placed under the command of the SS and
Police Leader of the Lublin district (SS und Polizeifu"hrer--SSPF),
SS General Odilio Globocnik, even though the Treblinka camp was
located in territory under the control and responsibility of the SS
and Police Leader of the Warsaw district. The intention was to
concentrate all the annihilation activities of Operation Reinhard
under a unified command.
The key people and professional staff at Operation Reinhard
headquarters and the staff of the camps came from the T-4
organization, which had conducted Operation Euthanasia--the killing
of mental patients and the chronically ill in the Reich. These
activities had been stopped in the fall of 1941 in the wake of
pressure from church groups and public opinion in Germany. Himmler
made ninety-two of the 400 people in the T-4 organization available
to Globocnik. The key member of the group of transferred personnel
was Sturmbannfu"hrer Christian Wirth. Wirth and his men had
technical and professional experience in killing people by gas. This
was the method they had used in Operation Euthanasia and which they
now introduced in Belzec, Sobibor and Treblinka. Wirth was
commandant of the Belzec camp, the first that was put into operation,
and served in that post until August 1, 1942. At that time he was
appointed supervisor of the three camps, with his office located in
Lublin. The first commandant of the Treblinka camp was Dr. Eberl,
and Franz Stangl, who succeeded him, was the first commandant of
the Sobibor camp. They, too, had been on the staff of Operation
Euthanasia.
The three camps were erected according to the same basic plan, and
Sobibor and Treblinka were virtually identlcal in structure (see the
following sketch of the Treblinka camp)[Not included in this
transcription. knm]. They occupied a relatively small area, from
one-quarter to one-half sq. km. (about the size of a football
field). The camp was divided into two separate sub-camps. each
having its own distinct function. Camp A included the railway
platform, the staff housing, the quarters of the Jewish prisoners,
the camp offices, warehouses, and an open square for handling the
people who arrived on the transports and for dealing with their
belongings. Camp B, called the "extermination area," included the
gas chambers. burial pits, fire pits for burning the corpses, and
the quarters of the Jewish prisoners who were employed at various
jobs in this part of the camp. A narrow path, from 2 to 4 meters
wide, fenced on both sides and running for about 100 meters, led from
the area where the victims had to undress to the gas chambers in the
extermination area. This path was called Heaven Street
(Himmelstrasse) or The Tube (Schlauch). Both sections of the camps
were surrounded by two or three barbed-wire fences, some of which
were camouflaged with tree branches so that it was impossible to
observe from outside what was going on inside the camp. The
extermination area and the path leading to it were also blocked off
from the rest of the camp with fences, tree branches, and earth
embankments, so that even from the other parts of the camp it was not
possible to see what was going on there.
The Camp Staff
The permanent staff of each of the Operation Reinhard death camps was
comprised of German SS men and Ukrainians. In addition, Jewish
prisoners were kept and employed for various tasks.
The SS Staff
The number of SS people ranged from twenty to thirty. The SS people
occupied the command and administrative positions in the camp and
were responsible for the various installations, which were operated
by the Ukrainians or by the Jewishh prisoners. The camp commanders
had the rank of Hauplsturmfuhrer--Stangl in Treblinka, Reichleitner
in Sobibor and Hering in Belzec. The assistant camp commanders Kurt
Franz in Treblinka and Niemann in Sobibor had the rank of
Untersturmfu"hrer. The remaining SS people bore a variety of ranks,
Unterscharfu"hrer, Scharfu"hrer, Oberscharfu"hrer. All the SS in the
camp wore grey army-like uniforms.
The Ukrainian Staff
On the staff of each of the camps there were approximately 80-120
Ukrainians. Their main job was to guard the camp. They manned the
guard towers and other positions and patrolled along the fences
between positions. When transports arrived the Ukrainians provided
armed cover at the railway platform, in the reception square and
along the path to the gas chambers (the guarding of the train on its
way to the camp was carried out by a different guard unit and was not
the camp's responsibility). They also guarded within the camp and
prevented contact between the Jews in the camp and those in the
extermination area, and operated the motors that supplied the gas for
the gas chambers. Like the German personnel, they, too, took part in
the shooting executions. The Ukrainian staff in the death camps had
been organized beforehand and had been trained in the Trawniki camp
near Lublin. Some of them were Soviet prisoners of war and some were
local Ukrainians who volunteered for the German service. Among the
Ukrainians there were also Volksdeutsche from Soviet areas. They
wore black uniforms, and their personal weapon was a service rifle.
Some of the guard towers manned by the Ukrainians were equipped with
machine guns.
The Jewish Prisoners. The number of Jewish prisoners kept for
various service jobs in the camp ranged from 700 to 1,000, with about
600-700 in camp A and 150-300 in camp B.
The Jews in the first group were divided into two groups: the first
was facetiously called the "court Jews" (Hofjuden) and the second was
called the "square Jews" (Platzjudend). Most of the "court Jews"
were skilled workers or were employed in workshops or in building the
camp. Compared to the others, their situation was relatively good.
The "Jews of the square" were also divided into a number of groups:
one group was employed on the railway platform when the transports
arrived. Their job was to remove from the cars the bodies of those
who had died en route, to remove the packages and to clean the cars.
Other groups were positioned in the square where the Jews were
ordered to undress; their job was to sort and arrange the clothing
and belongings and to ready them for shipment to Germany. In
addition, there were the so-called "gold Jews" who sorted gold and
other valuables, and a group of barbers who sheared the women's hair
before they were sent to the gas chambers. From time to time
additional groups of workers were formed for various jobs, including
camouflaging the camp fences with branches brought from the nearby
forest, construction, paving roads in the camp, and the like. Among
the Jewish prisoners there was also a group of women.
The Jews who were kept in the extermination area worked mainly at
removing the dead bodies from the gas chambers and transferring them
to the pits. When it was decided to cremate the bodies, on a pile of
discarded old rails set aside especially for that purpose, they were
also put to work at that. Another group of working Jews was called
the "dentists"; they extracted gold teeth from the bodies that had
been removed from the gas chambers before they were brought to the
pits. There were others who worked in the services in the
extermination area--the kitchen, laundry, and the like. The Germans
prevented any contact between the Jews in the two parts of the camp.
At times Jews were shifted from the first camp to the second, but
never back from there. To head the group of Jews the Germans
appointed a "camp elder" (Lagera"lteste), or, as he was sometimes
called, "head Capo" (Oberkapo). Each of the two parts of the camp
had its own "camp elder," and the Germans also appointed a Jewish
Capo for each work group. To keep a check on what the Jewish
prisoners were thinking and doing, the SS found informers among them,
but the prisoners quickly learned to recognize these informers and to
take precautionary measures.
The relatively small size of the camp and the manner in which it was
constructed, including the system of barbed-wire fences and the guard
towers, which provided an unobstructed view of the camp area, plus
the size of the German and Ukrainian staff and its activity in all
parts of the camp, enabled maximum control and surveillance of the
goings-on in the camp and of the movement of Jewish prisoners. The
only places where the Jews were not under constant observation were
the workshops in the daytime and the barracks at night. But the
Germans paid frequent visits there, too, and the presence of
informers facilitated surveillance of what was going on inside.
Secrecy and Deception as the Major Principle in the Operation of the
German Annihilation Apparatus
In order to understand why the uprisings in Sobibor and Treblinka
were carried out by the few hundred Jews retained to work in the camp
and not by the hundreds of thousands brought there for extermination,
we must consider the system of secrecy and deception and the
technique of extermination used by the Nazis. We must also deal with
the question of what was known to the Jews who were brought on the
transports of the fate awaiting them.
The decisions reached at the highest levels of the Third Reich about
the destruction of the Jews and the instructions for carrying them
out, which were passed on to the lower levels of the German
administration were a closely guarded state secret. The
concentration of the Jews in their various countries of residence in
occupied Europe and their transport in trains to the annihilation
camps in Poland engaged a large bureaucratic and operational
apparatus that included both Germans and non-Germans. Many SS, local
police officials, government officials and railroad workers were part
of this apparatus. Yet despire the involvement of thousands of
people in these activities, the Nazis succeeded in keeping the
purpose of the transports, their real destination, and the fate
awaiting the deportees a secret, even from parts of the Nazi
apparatus that dealt directly with the deportations and
transportation of the Jews to the death camps. Those levels and
sections within the Nazi annihilation apparatus that knew the truth
about the destination of the transports kept this secret very well.
In fact, the SS uho took part in Operation Reinhard were required to
sign a special declaration of secrecy.
The millions of Jews who were taken from their places of residence,
ghettos or transit camps did not in any way know that they were being
brought to extermination camps nor did they kn(ow what fate awaited
them. Most of them had not even heard of the existence of such
camps. Rumors about the death camps did, it is true, reach Warsaw
and other ghettos in Poland, but the public for the most part did not
want to helieve them. Even most of those who escaped from the trains
that were on their way to the extermination camps did not know the
trains' real destination.
More than one-quarter of a million Jews from the Warsaw ghetto, who
from July to September 1942 were brought to Treblinka--which was only
80 kilometers from Warsaw--did not know what fate awaited them. When
they got off the train at the camp platform they were met by a heavy
guard of SS men and Ukrainians, but their eyes immediately
encountered the large sign announcing the following in Polish and
German:
Jews of Warsaw, for your attention! You are in a transit
camp (Durch-gangslager) from which you will be sent to a
labor camp (Arbeitslager). As a safeguard against
epidemics you must immediately hand over your clothing and
parcels for disinfection. Gold, silver, foreign currency
and jewelry must be placed with the cashier, in exchange
for a receipt. These will be returned to you at a later
time upon presentation of the receipt. For bodily washing
before continuing with the journey all arrivals must attend
the bathhouse. (Adalbert Ruckerl, Nationalsozialistische
Vernichtungslager im Spiegel deutscher
Strafprozesse--Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka, Chelmno, Munich,
1977, 219)
This announcement was also delivered to the prisoners orally by a SS
officer, who also announced that the old and sick for whom walking
was difficult would be transferred to a field hospital (lazarett)
near the train platform; they would be assisted by Jews who worked in
the camp. He promised that in the hospital the old and infirm would
receive medical attention.
From the moment a "shipment" of several thousand people set foot on
the platform until its total liquidation in the gas chambers, no more
than an hour or an hour and a half passed, sometimes even less.
During that time the men were separated from the women and children;
they were ordered to undress, and their clothing was arranged in
packages; they handed over their valuables; the women's hair was
shorn, and the people were led to the "showers," which of course were
the gas chambers. They were forced to do all of these things at a
run, under a hail of shouts, blows and bullets from the So men and
the Ukrainians, and the barking and biting of dogs. The suddenness
and speed with which all of this was done, the constant running, and
the atmosphere of terror and threat put the people in a state of
shock that kept them from thinking about what was happening around
them or from taking any action of resistance.
This method was used with all the extermination transports that
arrived in sealed freight cars in the latter part of 1942 from the
territory of the General-Government in Poland and from the occupied
territories of the Soviet Union. A slightly different method was
used for transports that arrived from Western Europe, the territory
of the Third Reich, Czechoslovakia and the Balkans from the end of
1942 until the middle of 1943. These transports arrived in passenger
cars. Upon arrival they found an "ordinary" railway Station with
signs pointing to ticket windows, tables indicating the departure
times of trains to various destinations and other normal station
installations -- all, of course, fake. The alighting from the train
was carried out in a polite and calm manner. The camp personnel
encouraged the arrivals to write postcards to their families and
friends telling them that they had come to a labor camp; they were
even given an address for receiving mail (those arriving in Sobibor
were told to write Arbeitslager Wlodawa [Wlodawa Labor Camp]).
After the postcards were sent, everything having been done in a
peaceful and polite atmosphere, the situation changed radically: a
torrent of shouts, blows, dog bites and bullets rained down on the
people, who were stricken by an even greater shock and paralysis than
that felt by the Jews from Poland and the Soviet Union. In this way
they were driven toward the gas chambers.
It is thus clear why those hundreds of thousands of Jews were unable
to organize and respond. It is equally clear why the underground
that carried out the uprisings was formed by some of those few Jews
who had been selected from the transports to work for a certain
period at various jobs in the camp. They came to know what was
happening in the camps and what fate awaited them; in addition, they
had the time to organize their resistance.
[Continued in yad_vashem YVS.Camps.02]
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